Nationalism and Conflict: Interdisciplinary Methodological Approaches
Preliminary Conference Program
Monday, December 10
11:30 – 12:30
Richard K. Herrmann, The Ohio State University
Nationalism: How a Constellation of Ideas Can Cause Conflict
Nationalism is a constellation of several ideas that shape how people understand who they are, what communities they belong to and who else belongs, too, and how those communities relate to others. The more people attach their own identity to the nation, the more they worry about it and see threats to it. This leads them to feel stronger negative emotions about other countries that do not cooperate with theirs and more positive emotions about the countries that do. These stronger emotions motivate the formation of biased constructions of reality in which those strongly attached see the situation in terms that release them from normative prohibitions that would otherwise prevail. The more stereotypical these perceptions become, the more likely it is that aggressive action will follow. This relationship becomes only stronger when attachment is coupled with a sense of superiority. These general propositions are tested using data drawn from a representative sample of American citizens. The conflict-promoting mechanisms are examined by using a series of experiments embedded in the national survey. Understanding how these mechanisms work suggests a few ways by which it might be possible to mitigate their conflictive effect and promote more cross-group cooperation.
SESSION 1: National Identity and Ethnic Tension
14:00 – 16:00
Paolo Segatti,The University of Milan, Italy
Unpacking the Components of an Exclusive National Identity and their Effects on EU Identity: A MGCFA Analysis
Hooghe and Marks (2008) claimed that an exclusive national identity is the most important obstacle to EU support. They also claimed that more analysis is needed to unpack how exclusive national identity is linked to other identity components. This paper will attempt to satisfy this need, showing: (1) that an exclusive national identity might depend on the intensity of national attachment less than on the meanings people attribute to their national identity, (2) the extent to which this identity model is stable across 12 countries surveyed by IntUne project in 2008, and (3) the impact of the different components of a national identity on EU identity. Data will be analyzed through MGCFA causal modeling.
Dorota Woroniecka-Krzyżanowska, Graduate School for Social Research, Polish Academy of Sciences, Poland
How Commemoration of Traumatic Events Becomes a Vehicle of Identity in a Palestinian Refugee Camp
Through the act of expulsion, refugees’ historical continuity is being interrupted. The traumatic events that surround it mark the suspension of their presence in the places of origin or habitation. Commemorating these traumatic events can be seen as a way of reliving them once again, expressing the loss of historical continuity, which is hoped to be restored in the case of return. According to Greenberg: ‘To remember the traumatic past is, at least to some extent, to experience the suffering caused by the original wound’ (2005:93). In the case of many Palestinian refugees who, after sixty-four years of exile, continue to live in refugee camps scattered across the Middle East, it is often the very fact of living in a camp that is treated as an expression of their commitment to retain the refugee status and hence their right to return. In that sense, the camps ‘operate as forms of visible commemoration’ (Feldman 2008:507), initially brought into existence by the ‘original wound’ and sustained by the unwillingness to cure it, which is to fully accept the final character of life in exile. I analyze the ways in which Palestinian refugees living in the al-Amari camp in the West Bank experience and interpret their suffering caused by both the initial expulsion in 1948 and the subsequent years of living in the camp. I am particularly interested in how al-Amari inhabitants use these experiences and interpretations in the process of restoring continuity of the temporal dimension of their identity. The analysis draws on eight months of ethnographic fieldwork conducted in the al-Amari camp at intervals between January 2010 and August 2012.
Ian Lanzillotti, The Ohio State University, USA
Deportation and Interethnic Conflict in the North Caucasus: Kabardino-Balkar Relations in the Second Half of the Twentieth Century
The Caucasus mountain region in southern Russia has witnessed many of post-Soviet Eurasia’s most violent interethnic conflicts. From Abkhazia to Chechnya, the region fractured ferociously and ethnic and religious communities took up arms against their neighbors. In the midst of some of the worst conflicts in Europe since 1945, the semiautonomous, multiethnic Kabardino-Balkar Republic in the North Caucasus remained a relative oasis of peace. This is not to say there were no tensions—there is no love lost between Kabardians, Balkars, and Russians, the main ethnic communities in Kabardino-Balkaria. The growth of exclusivist national identities and an ethnically stratified social hierarchy make Kabardino-Balkaria a likely site for interethnic conflict. But, why did these ethnic communities not resort to force to solve their grievances, while many neighboring ones did? This paper seeks to answer this question by examining the deportation of the Balkar people to Central Asia by Stalin during World War Two and their subsequent rehabilitation and return under Nikita Khrushchev some thirteen years later. Unlike other “punished peoples” of the North Caucasus who were never adequately reintegrated into their homeland societies after their return, it appears that the Balkars experienced a much more rapid and complete social, economic, and political reintegration. I argue that the successful rehabilitation and reintegration of the Balkars helps explain why Kabardino-Balkaria has witnessed relative interethnic peace while neighboring regions have faced prolonged interethnic conflict.
Sonia Catrina, University of Bucharest, Romania
The Representations of the Self as Source of Identity Legitimation in the Interethnic Chess between Romanians and Hungarians
This paper analyses the identity factors assumed by Hungarians as a source of conflict that affects their relationships with the majority within the Romanian national state. Based on the concept of “habitus” forged by Bourdieu (1980), this is a set of dispositions which generate individual or collective practices and perceptions: “the complex process by which we are both acting and acted on”. We consider that the representations of Self are pre-disposed, consciously and deliberately or not, to fulfil a social function of legitimating identity differences, and thus contribute to the process of social reproduction. Taking into account this theory, our endeavour is to identify how Hungarians’ practices and perceptions are related to the historical and social conditions in which the “habitus” that generated them was constituted. Discursive identity-building is analyzed here from the perspective of the Hungarian political elite, which has to give a reasoned endorsement to the people that it stands for, as a way to prove not only a territorial belonging, but also the irreconcilable differences of this ethnic group in relation to the majority represented by the Romanians. In order to identify the Hungarian ideological capital’s logic as identity polarisation within the Romanian national state, we analyze the feeling of national affiliation, the claim of regional autonomy and the setting of the “historical memory”in the public sphere, recurrently used in the rhetoric of the Hungarian political elite. This study claims that the aforementioned elements generate conflict for a minority group whose level of perception of its own difference in opposition to the identity of the majority is very high.
Tuesday, December 11
SPECIAL SESSION: The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) – Promoting Human Rights
9:30 – 10:30
Larry Olomofe and Andrzej Mirga (OSCE)/ How to Monitor and Prevent Hate Crimes?
SESSION 2: Nationalism: Real and Potential Conflicts within States and Between States
10:45 – 12:30
John Mueller, TheOhio State University, USA
Did History End? Democracy, Capitalism, Nationalism, Religion, War and Boredom Since 1989
In a 1989 essay, Francis Fukuyama suggested that, with the death of Communism, history had come to an end. By this he meant that liberalism — democracy and market capitalism — had triumphed over other governmental and economic systems. Looking for future challenges to this triumph, he examined the potential rise of destructive forms of nationalism and of fundamentalist religion, but found them unlikely to prevail. This paper evaluates progress over the subsequent quarter century and argues that Fukuyama seems to have had it fundamentally right. Beginning with the countries of Eastern Europe, democracy continued its progress throughout the world with remarkably few setbacks, and old-fashioned forms of tyranny have almost completely vanished. Moreover, capitalism has increasingly come to be accepted, so that when the world plunged into widespread economic crisis after 2007, proposed remedies variously recommended tinkering with the system, not abandoning it. In the meantime, violent forms of nationalism that surged in some places in the last decade of the old century scarcely proved to be much of a challenge to these trends, and the same seems likely to hold for violent forms of fundamentalist religion that surged in some places in the first decade of the new one. In retrospect, in fact, the significance of both of these illiberal developments seems to have been much exaggerated at the time. In addition, there was a striking decline of civil warfare in the decade after 1989 to low levels that have held now throughout the new century. However, Fukuyama’s prediction that the end of history would be characterized by “boredom” has, perhaps unfortunately, proven to be savagely mistaken.
Lenka Dražanová,Berlin Graduate School of Social Sciences, Humboldt University of Berlin, Germany
Comparing Nationalism and Patriotism in Western and Eastern Europe after the Collapse of Communism
Central to the theory of national identity is the differentiation between two specific expressions of national pride – nationalism and patriotism. Many studies assume that patriotism acquires the illiberal character of nationalism as it moves from the West of Europe to the East, changing from its more civilized and progressive forms into ruthlessness. This paper tests to what extent the hypothesis suggesting that people in Central and Eastern Europe are more inclined to nationalism and unable to distinguish it from a desirable attachment to one’s own nation proves true based on empirical evidence. Moreover, the paper tests whether there has been a substantial difference in attitudes regarding nationalism and patriotism in the two regions over time. The search for distinguishable patterns of nationalism and patriotism is performed in the regions separately. Data were drawn from a sample of eight Western European states and seven Central and Eastern European countries respectively from the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) 1995 and 2003 National Identity Module. Using Structural Equation Modelling and testing the equivalence of latent factor means (analysis of means and covariance structures) with the Mplus statistical package, the findings reveal that conceptual divisions between Western and Eastern nationalism proved largely unjustified.
Denise Bronson, The Ohio State University, USA
Who Deserves to Receive Social Services: The Impact of Nationalism on Defining “Deserving”
Every country identifies who is eligible and deserving of social supports and social services. Policies routinely prescribe the criteria for accessing educational opportunities, financial supports, medical care, and other benefits provided to those in need. The connection between national identity and eligibility for social programs is complex and multifaceted, involving elements of ethnicity, race, economic status, competition for resources, and ideological factors that influence public opinion on who deserves assistance. Changes in public opinion are typically reflected in changing social legislation that serves to expand or reduce available services. Numerous conditions have been identified under which national identity is heightened, but the association between these conditions and social policy reforms have received less attention. This paper examines the implications of shifting nationalistic identify on policies for determining who “deserves” to receive social services.
SESSION 3: Constructing National and Supra-National Identities in Multiethnic Societies
14:00 – 15:45
Robert M. Kunovich, The University of Texas at Arlington, USA
Anti-immigrant Sentiment and Context: The Possibilities and Challenges of Moving Beyond Region as Context
Many who study anti-immigrant sentiment attribute negative attitudes among the native population to the objective economic threats that immigrants pose. In multilevel studies, researchers focus exclusively on geo-political regions, such as metropolitan areas or countries, as contextual units of analysis. Although geo-political regions are relevant, it is important to measure competition in other contextual units, such as occupations. Methodological challenges, however, have inhibited the measurement of economic competition and other important concepts in alternative contexts. Small sample sizes within occupations, for example, raise questions about statistical power and estimation. In this paper, I use data from the 2004 General Social Survey (GSS) to examine the consequences of small occupation-specific sample sizes for models of perceived group threat. I examine estimates using different groupings within the International Standard Classification of Occupations (ISCO) scheme (pooling occupations increases group-specific sample sizes): (1) 390 detailed occupations), (2) 116 minor groups, (3) 28 sub major groups, and (4) 9 major groups. Results demonstrate that estimates based on the maximum number of occupations are adequate despite the small occupation-specific sample sizes. Moreover, pooling the data substantially reduces the between-occupation variance, which may lead researchers to conclude that occupations are irrelevant. I conclude by discussing the possibilities and challenges of extending contextual research on anti-immigrant sentiment – with an emphasis on refining theories by measuring concepts in multiple contextual units, such as occupations, industries, neighborhoods, school districts, metropolitan areas, and countries.
Øyvind Hvenekilde Seim, Centre for Baltic and Eastern European Studies (CBEES),Södertörn University, Sweden
Constructing National and Supra-National Identities in Multiethnic Europe. The Yugoslav Case: Federalism and Nationalism in Kardelj’s Yugoslavia
The paper discusses national identity in Yugoslavia under communism and before the war in Bosnia. The focus is on the ideological inventions of chief ideologist Edward Kardelj for the direction of the Yugoslav socialist experiment. Kardelj’s interpretation of the Marxist concept of “withering away of the state” was legalized and ideologically championed in the 1974 Constitution. Having found the ideological root of the disintegration processes of Yugoslavia, the paper discusses its implications for promoting political fragmentation, con-federalization, republican-based national identities and increasing internal economic divergences along the north-south and rural-urban division line.
The study delves into how Kardelj’s policies strengthened citizens’ identification with the republics at the expense of “Yugoslavism” and how the Yugoslav national protection system enhanced ethnic identity and fostered national group differences — instead of merging them into a supra-national Yugoslav identity. By constructing Yugoslavia as ideologically “different”, it became more of an ideological community than a state. The lack of alternative ideological foundations meant that the disintegration of Yugoslavia unleashed the move from civic to ethnic identities when socialism collapsed.
The paper analyses the emergence and constitution of national identities in Yugoslavia, drawing on prominent scholars of nationalism and critically engages their theory with the case of the construction of Serbian and Bosnian Muslims’ (or Bosnjak) national identity. It examines how political manipulation, during the descent from political conflict into civil war, put pressure on the various civic, multicultural, ethno-national, regional, republican and multiple or hybrid identity manifestations found at the identity market place in Bosnia.
Comfort Erima Ugbem, Benue State University, Nigeria
The Dynamics of Identity Construction among Ethnic Groups in Benue State Nigeria
Identity construction is a recurrent trend among ethnic groups in Benue state. British colonialists designated ethnic groups in Benue state and other ethnic groups in the Middle Belt region as pagans and subsumed them under the Hausa-Fulani in the defunct Northern Region. Today, in addition to the construction of a Middle Belt identity to contest the hegemonic hold of the Hausa- Fulani, ethnic groups in Benue state are also moving their identity away from a generalized Middle Belt Identity to distinct ethnic identities. Various mobilizations and violent contestations have emerged from these constructions, leading to the loss of lives and property and the reconfiguring of social interactions among the ethnic group. This study examines the dynamics of identity construction among ethnic groups in Benue state, Nigeria. It is anchored in Berger and Luckmann’s Social Constructionism, which locates the process of identity construction and reconstruction of identity in subjective and objective interactions. The research design combined both primary and secondary data collection methods: focus group discussions, key informant interviews, in-depth interviews, participant observation and archival research as the methods of data collection. Findings from the study reveal that several dynamics influenced the construction and reconstruction of identity among ethnic groups. Colonialism, paganization of ethnic groups, dominance/subjection interactions, inclusion /exclusion issues, struggle for supremacy and contests against domination. In essence, identity construction among ethnic groups in Benue state is dependent on the social construction of dominance and access to development in Benue state. As soon as a group creates a recognized identity it can attract development, and as a result new agitations within that group and other identities emerge. Identity construction remains open ended as long as histories and social order remain open ended, such that there is no one fixed identity that cannot be changed.
Imanol Ortega Expósito, Granada University, Spain
The Turkish–Islamic Synthesis: The Political Project of the AKP and the Kemalist (Secular and Nationalist) Elites
The military coup of 1980 and the subsequent establishment of the Constitution of 1984 in Turkey ushered in the era known as the “Özal decade” (1983-1993). This was a period that combined sociopolitical and economic liberalism with a rereading of Ottoman Islamic modernity, so that Islam joined Turkish nationalism. The military coup found ingredients in it, both political and cultural, of a marriage between Islam and Kemalist ideology. It attempted to create a new Turkish-Muslim identity synthesis (the pioneers in this practice were Ibrahim Kafesoğlu Ibrahim, in the Islamic context, and Alparslan Türkeş in the nationalist ambit) which, following the September 12, 1980 coup, became one of the official Turkish Islam references: an Islam of “patriots” – a bastion against religious radicalism. One might note the postulates of Hakan Yavuz, which within the political project of Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi (AKP) (Party of Justice and Development) is set to end any ideological project reminiscent of the Kemalist one, which would not be anything but the military guarantor of the secular Republic. The main objective of this paper is to show the network of the various identities in Turkey and as developed through a synthesis that have been in conflict since the time of the Seljuks and Turkomans.
SESSION 4: National Identity, Conflict and Protest Behavior
16:00 – 17:45
Albert Simkus, Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Norway
Changes in “Ethnic Intolerance” Among the Nationalities and States of the Western Balkans: A Discussion of the Measures and Findings
Beginning with an all-Yugoslav survey conducted in 1988, a micro-scale consisting of approximately five questions has been used as a measure of what has variously referred to as “ethnic intolerance,” ethnic discrimination,” or “ethnic exclusionism.” Variations of this scale have been used in a large number of analyses and publications concerned with the Federated Republic of Yugoslavia and its successor states in the western Balkans. These countries include Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Serbia, Kosovo, Macedonia, and Albania. The most recent wave of publications has been based on the SEESSP surveys of 2003-2004. These studies have included cross-national comparisons, analyses of the determinants of such intolerance within countries, and comparisons of change over time. This paper discusses the main findings of such analyses based on Western Balkan surveys through 2004; it then presents preliminary findings of changes from 1988 to 2004 to 2012. The presentation ends with a discussion of the validity and reliability of the scale, and the merit of analyzing individual questions as opposed to the summary scale.
Andrey Shcherbak, Higher School of Economics, Russia
Nationalism in Russian Republics: Historical and Comparative Perspective
This project is focused on ethnic minorities’ nationalism in Russia in comparative and historical perspective. Based on the concepts of Dmitrii Gorenburg and David Laitin, it is argued that nationalism should be divided into political nationalism (separatism) and cultural nationalism (support of culture, language). Support of cultural nationalism (such as teaching and printing books in the native language, and increase in student enrollment) leads to emergence or strengthening of the national intelligentsia, which becomes the driving force of ethnic movements during periods of political mobilization. The main argument is that cultural nationalism influences political nationalism. Based on data for 21 Russian ethnic republics for the entire Soviet period (1917 – 1991), which is divided into 5 historical periods, I create indices of cultural and political nationalism. To test hypotheses about interdependence between cultural and political nationalism, I use structural equation modeling. The findings show the importance of cultural nationalism for the development of political nationalism; other factors like formal administrative status, informal political status of republic and informal economic status are also significant in some models.
María José Hierro, Pompeu Fabra University, Spain
Saliency of the Center – Periphery Cleavage and Change in National Identification
Previous studies have argued that, in multinational countries, decentralization lies behind the observed change in aggregate national identification. According to these studies, regional institutions, by means of the educational system and the mass media, strengthen identification with the stateless nation while diminishing exclusive identification with the nation-state. This paper offers a complementary explanation to the one proposed in these studies, and draws attention to the importance of other institutional factors that have not been empirically examined. The paper suggests that political parties’ activation of the centre-periphery cleavage, and confrontation along the center-periphery dimension, have important consequences for individuals’ national identification. This argument is tested in Catalonia, a setting in which the center-periphery cleavage and the presence of an important immigration population from other regions of Spain open up the possibility for national identification to become a matter of choice, instead of a self-ascribed characteristic. The empirical analysis of the paper draws on a series of cross-sectional surveys produced by the Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas (CIS) covering the period between 1987 and 2010. A hierarchical analysis is carried out to test the paper’s main argument. Variation in the levels of political confrontation over time allows the testing of the effect of this variable on individuals’ identification. The results of the analyses show that the political confrontation along the cleavage has heterogeneous effects on the population. While high levels of political confrontation strengthen Catalan identification, the opposite effect is found within the second generations. In the aggregate, political confrontation has, therefore, polarizing effects. Ultimately, this paper seeks to contribute to the literature defending change in individuals’ national identification as an elite-driven outcome and tries to improve our understanding of fluctuations in the aggregate identification.
Wednesday, December 12
SESSION 5: Causes and Consequences of National Identity
9:30 – 11:15
Sandra T. Marquart-Pyatt, Michigan State University
National and European Identity in Post-Socialist Countries
This research examines the components and sources of national and European identities between and among members of mass publics in six post-socialist countries (Bulgaria, Estonia, Poland, Serbia, Slovakia, and Slovenia). Cross-national research on national identity suggests the possibility of regional differences across countries within Europe; this research examines evolving national and European identity in six post-socialist states using data from 2007. Key sources examined include education, socio-demographics, and political orientation. Results indicate some similarities between mass publics regarding ethnic and civic components of national identities. Patterns are also fairly similar for European identity. With regard to sources of identity, a set of consistent factors can be identified for mass publics linked with status characteristics. Understanding how national and European identity are taking shape among mass publics of different countries will shed light on how multiple collective identities can emerge simultaneously among different social groups, and across national boundaries, throughout the post-socialist region.
Evgenia Bystrov, Jacobs University Bremen, Germany
Who is afraid of civil marriage? Religiosity, Nationalism, Immigration and Attitudes towards Liberalizing Marriage in Israel
In the developed world, Israel is the only country without a civil option for regulating personal status. Determinants of changes in attitudes toward the introduction of civil marriage in 1969–2009 among the Jewish population are the focus of this article. According to the Human Empowerment framework, the support for civil marriage should increase over time, and the younger generation should be more permissive than the older. However, despite growing support among all population groups, there is stagnation in the overall attitude due to changes in population composition. Being religious, the younger cohorts oppose the trend of permitting couples to marry any way they choose. Besides religiosity and traditionalism, this attitude can be predicted by national identity, education and being a 1990s immigrant from the former Soviet Union. The relative impact of the two demographic forces – the natural increase of the religious versus immigration – is analyzed. The article shows the relevance of internal and external national identity for the institution of civil marriage in Israel.
Alexi Gugushvili, European University Institute, Italy
Dual Citizenship in Georgia: History, Causes and Consequences
Based on archival research and interviews with a number of stakeholders, this study investigates the history, causes and consequence of the dual citizenship regime in Georgia. In the first years of independence dual citizenship was seen as a measure desired by the Russian Federation which, allegedly, intended to use Russian speaking minorities in Georgia against Georgian national interests. However, by the 2000s, due to the growing Georgian Diaspora in different countries, the changes in ethnic composition decreased the perceived threat of dual citizenship and also increased the demand for it. Legislative amendments allowed the Georgian President to grant dual citizenship to foreign citizens when a foreign citizen had made a particular contribution to Georgia or when the granting of citizenship to such a person was in the interests of the State. The change in policy had dramatic consequences for the number of dual-citizens in Georgia. More than 36,000 persons were granted dual citizenship in 2004-2011, which effectively moved Georgia into a dual-citizenship regime. Economically, it has been tentatively argued that the remittances and investments from the new dual-citizens have been contributing to the local development. Politically, the granted dual-citizenships have electoral implications as the number of new citizens increases and they acquire equal rights in regard to voting. One of the major concerns is undefined military obligations in cases of dual-citizenship, especially when these citizenships stem from the presently belligerent states of Georgia and the Russian Federation.
Carrie Smith Keller, Keene State College, USA
Elite and Mass Influence on Anti-Immigrant Sentiment and Nationalism
In this paper, I examine differences between elite and mass opinions in shaping attitudes about immigrant threat and nationalism. I analyze data from the IntUne Survey: Integrated and United? A Quest for Citizenship in an “Ever Closer Europe,” conducted among parliamentarians and the general public in both 2007 and 2009. While levels of mass nationalism stay relatively stable across time periods, levels of elite anti-immigrant sentiment decrease slightly. In order to explain this change over time, I test a variety of individual and county-level variables to determine their effect on anti-immigrant sentiment and national. While demographic factors play an important role in distinguishing attitudes among the masses, political affiliation is more important for elites. Finally, I am able to analyze the effects of masses on elites and vice versa. While elite levels of anti-immigrant threat do positively increase mass-nationalism, I find that the general population has a larger impact on elites than the reciprocal relationship. This finding gives strong support to theories arguing that elites are very much aware of the moods among their constituents and reshape and readjust their attitudes and political party platforms to align with the sentiments of the general public.
SESSION 6: Institutions and the Policy of Nationalism
11:30 – 12:45
Aminu Musa Audu, University of Liverpool, United Kingdom
Multiculturalism and Policing: The Implementation of Community Policing in a Multicultural Nigeria
Nigeria, the most populous black nation in Africa with over two hundred and fifty ethnic nationalities, is a multi-cultural country. Although, dominated by the Hausa/Fulani, Yoruba and Igbo, each of ethnic groups has particular language, values, norms and other ways of life, including an indigenous mode of policing crime and social control — until the era of colonialism when colonial mechanisms of policing held sway. This research has been stimulated by the challenges of crime and insecurity, such as terrorism, kidnapping and armed robbery in Nigeria. The ‘police community partnership’ as a strategy to curb crime by the Nigeria police authority was introduced in 2003 (Dickson, 2007). Trends suggest that the strategy is not yielding the desired result, partly because of the prevailing dearth of considerations for the indigenous socio-cultural conditions, the legitimacy crisis of the police establishments and the attendant cultural gap between the police and the community (Lee, and Haider, 2011:3). The paper brings a theoretical framework and the dynamics of policing in a multi-cultural society, and to show the extent to which real or perceived tension created by the various ethnic nationalities affect or complement the implementation of community policing for crime prevention and control in Nigeria. The paper relies on the available literature for analysis.
Katarzyna Andrejuk,Polish Academy of Sciences, Poland
Muslim Immigration and Its Influence on the Redefinition of Nationhood in Germany
My presentation describes how immigration modifies the political vision of nationhood – citizenship – based on the example of Germany. Since the 1960s, Germany has been a land of immigration for numerous ethnic groups. The economic development and need for blue-collar workers in various sectors of German industry attracted immigrants from poorer countries of Southern Europe and Asia. Many of them came from a Muslim cultural background. The largest group of Muslim immigrants originated from Turkey; other groups included Muslims from regions of former Yugoslavia. They were supposed to stay in Germany only temporarily, and this assumption was mirrored by the name this group was given: “guest workers” (Gästarbeiters). However, in spite of the efforts made by the German government, many Muslim immigrants did not return to their countries when the period of economic prosperity was over. A second and third generation of immigrant children was born. Currently, the Turkish diaspora constitutes 80% of German Muslims; their population is estimated at 2.5-3 million.
This forced a shift in the German policy of citizenship. Before Germany became a country of immigration, it developed an “ethnic” model of citizenship (as opposed to the “civic” French model, as described by R. Brubaker), which was granted to individuals with German parents (ius sanguinis). This strict model was loosened, and citizenship legislation amendment in 2000 enabled the children of Muslim immigrants to acquire German citizenship. After a decade of functioning of the new citizenship model, it has proved to contribute to a conversion from an ethnic to a multicultural and cosmopolitan community. I outline the new divisions in German society: they are no longer based on citizenship, but rather on economic factors: access to employment, housing conditions and education opportunities.
Matthew Stearmer, The Ohio State University, USA
Diaspora Populations, Nationalism and Radicalization: A Comparative Analysis of Integration Policies on Mobilization and Radicalization
Prior research on the process of radicalization has demonstrated a potential connection between diaspora populations, host country integration policies/institutions, and radicalization. The process of radicalization is theorized to be moderated and mediated by several micro and macro level phenomena. This study will focus on the role of institutional networks and the treatment of women (Women and Peace Thesis), and employ a comparative cross-national approach to assess the impact of these processes on radicalization. Turks and Kurds migrated to Germany, France and Sweden from the same region, at the same time, and under similar economic circumstances, yet the integration polices in each of these nations is distinct. This natural experiment allows for a unique examination of the various impacts several macro level effects may have had on radicalization. The proposed study will use multi-level modeling techniques to nest individuals within states. Two specific analyses are proposed. First, using the European Social Survey, and World Values Survey individual level data on participation in public demonstrations will be nested within state level data on integration policies/attitudes, migrant population institutional networks, and state level attributes on the status of women. The second analysis will nest violent protest events and ethnic attacks (compiled from PRODAT and the Minorities at Risk database) within the same macro level variables. Several theoretical propositions will then be explored. First, I theorize that host country integration policies will affect how migrant populations organize. Specifically, I hypothesize that both anti-immigrant polices and multiculturalist policies will lead to more insular migrant networks (bonding capital), and that strong integrationalist polices will lead to the bridging of social capital of migrant networks. Building on these finding, I theorize that how migrants organize, whether they pursue a bonding or bridging networking process, will affect the radicalization process. This leads to the second set of theoretical tests. First, I theorize that countries with the strongest delineation between the native and immigrant populations, and insular migrant networks will become the most vulnerable to radicalization towards the native population. Second, countries with mixed policies and bridging networks, will be the most likely to experience radicalization towards the migrant populations. Third, countries with the strongest multiculturalist polices will be the least likely to experience radicalized events directed towards either native or migrant populations at large, but will be the most likely to develop enclaves of violence within the minority populations, specfically directed towards migrant women.
14:00 – 15:00
Zdzisław Mach, Jagiellonian University
Symbols, Conflict and Identity
The European Union is a good example of changes in the way national identity is constructed and interpreted, and of the attempt to construct collective identities on regional and supranational levels as constructions rival or complementary to national identities. Processes of change develop within national societies as the result of migration, multicultural policies, and enlargement of the EU, and as responses to problems of national economies and social policy. There are two types of questions which are frequently asked now regarding national culture and national identity. The first question is how inclusive is national culture, whose cultural heritage belongs to it and which ones ought to be excluded as alien. This question is related to the issue of multicultural and multiethnic society. The second question considers the right of individuals and groups within a national society to offer an new interpretation of the national culture. How much freedom do we all have to offer a new understanding of national culture and heritage? The answer to these questions largely depends of whether the national identity is constructed on the basis of culture and common origin (an “ethnic” type) or as a political identity based on citizenship. Currently the EU provides a new, broader frame of reference for collective memory, for interpretation of cultural heritage and history. On the one hand European identity is being created (of a political rather than cultural type), on the other hand new radical, exclusive nationalisms develop. The financial crisis leads to national egoisms but also to the awareness that Europe needs a sort of common identity in order to generate mechanisms to protect itself from consequences of future economic problems, should they occur. National collective memories are confronted with each other in the European context – this leads to better understanding and more openness and tolerance but also to a kind of competition of suffering and resulting claims. In effect we are now witnessing plurality of processes of symbolic constructions of identities combined with a complicated game of power, various attempts to mobilize the public behind different ideologies, conflicting efforts to create new identities or re-create old ones. New Europe is emerging, and it remains to be seen if it develops in the direction of a European federation in which a European democratic order will be supported by a collective identity or in the direction of a plurality of new nationalisms.